Baki: Ten million kina was a result of the briefing I gave to cabinet. Specifically mentioning the fact that the LNG operations up in the Southern Highlands is basically being funded by Exxon Mobil. All police operations up there is entirely funded by Exxon Mobil ... It is for the LNG and the LNG corridors ... If we allow LNG to be continuously funded by Exxon Mobil then there is no independence of the constabulary ... We would lose our constitutional independence, and the perception and the notion is that it is just another private security company for the LNG. And that is why I made representations to the government ... and I want the government to assist me in terms of funding.
Monday, 22 November 2010
Edited Transcript from Yesterday's Baki Interview
Suspended Police Commissioner, Gari Baki, 22/11/2010, Radio Australia.
Sunday, 21 November 2010
"All Police Operations Up There is Entirely Funded by Exxon Mobil" - Gari Backi
Radio Australia - 22/11/2010
Papua New Guinea's suspended police pommissioner, Gari Baki, maintains that he never lied or misled the government over a $US4 million fund for security operations for the country's Liquid Natural Gas Project.
Mr Baki says the monies were part of funds he had requested and had approved by cabinet for use by the police in providing security for the multi-billion dollar LNG project.
He says it is not right for the police to rely on developers to pay for police security operations for the project.
Mr Baki says he was pleased when cabinet approved the funds.
"I made that plea to the government to ensure that we get this ten million [kina]," he told Radio Australia.
"It is part and parcel of the 101 million kina mobilisation budget that I have submitted to the government to assist in the policing of this island strategy."
For more, listen here.
Papua New Guinea's suspended police pommissioner, Gari Baki, maintains that he never lied or misled the government over a $US4 million fund for security operations for the country's Liquid Natural Gas Project.
Mr Baki says the monies were part of funds he had requested and had approved by cabinet for use by the police in providing security for the multi-billion dollar LNG project.
He says it is not right for the police to rely on developers to pay for police security operations for the project.
Mr Baki says he was pleased when cabinet approved the funds.
"I made that plea to the government to ensure that we get this ten million [kina]," he told Radio Australia.
"It is part and parcel of the 101 million kina mobilisation budget that I have submitted to the government to assist in the policing of this island strategy."
For more, listen here.
Thursday, 18 November 2010
PNG rides resource boom with big budget
By Ilya Gridneff AAP 16/11/10
The Papua New Guinea government continues to ride the resource boom, handing down its largest ever budget of nearly 10 billion kina (A$4 billion).
PNG Treasurer Peter O'Neill announced on Tuesday the 2011 National Budget of 9328.1 million kina ($A3731.2 million) had been boosted by a supplementary budget of 653.3 million kina ($A261.3 million).
"This announcement of nearly 10 billion of expenditure is the biggest spending announcement ever witnessed in PNG and provides us with a great opportunity to build up our nation," Mr O'Neill said.
"The outlook for 2011 is very positive, with the PNG economy forecast to grow by eight per cent, which represents 10 years of uninterrupted economic growth," he said.
PNG's strong economic positions stems from the prolonged mineral boom and a massive ExxonMobil-led Liquefied Natural Gas that will come online in 2014 and bring billions in revenue for the next 30 years from gas sales to Asia.
"We can not underestimate the opportunity the PNG LNG project offers to transform our economy and substantially improve our socio-economic development," Mr O'Neil said.
But the "balanced" budget warns "the emergence of LNG as a major revenue source will give rise to macroeconomic pressures," he said.
PNG inflation in 2011 is estimated to average around 8.2 per cent, he said.
Resource-rich PNG has failed to translate its numerous mineral-related revenue streams into real development for its population.
Chronic underfunding for police, the courts and jails has fuelled a law and order problem and has led to a heavy reliance on aid, including more than A$457 million annually from Australia.
This budget saw increased funding to all the key areas outlined in PNG's development strategy.
Education and health were winners with 139.9 million kina (A$55.9m) and 90.5 million kina (A$36.2m) respective increases while the government will provide 121.2 million kina (A$48.5) more to the transport sector, mainly for much needed road building.
Wednesday, 17 November 2010
The numbers look great, reality does not. A thought on the budget.
Evidently as the LNG project develops, the government expects windfalls that will allow it to fulfill Papua New Guinea's developmental dreams. However, without wishing to be a 'cup half empty' type, the following commentary by the Public Accounts Committee on the Department of National Planning and Monitoring, and the Office of Rural Development, suggests more revenues means at present more spoils for corruption and wastage:
"The Department of National Planning and Monitoring and the Office of Rural Development are incapable of competently and lawfully managing even their own Departmental budget ... The Department of National Planning and Monitoring and the Office of Rural Development are unable to manage, implement, control, co-ordinate, oversee, monitor, account for, audit or apply public monies in the form of Development Budgets, Programs or Projects to any acceptable standard of competence ... Incompetence and inability compounded by poor morale, corruption and almost total loss of command and control by management in both the Department of National Planning and Monitoring and the Office of Rural Development have been very largely responsible for poor or nonexistent delivery of services and development to our remote (and not so remote) areas and is responsible for the failure to manage or coordinate the implementation of development programs or projects ... This failure has, over many years, resulted in huge wastage of public monies appropriated to development programs and projects, to the detriment of our citizens".
Monday, 15 November 2010
Wagambie Pays Homage to PNG's Corporate Bosses at Exxon Mobil
LNG Watch: It says something when the new 'acting' Police Commissioner's efforts are being devoted to assuring the Somare government's corporate partners Exxon Mobil, when ordinary people of Papua New Guinea, especially women suffer insecurity on a day to day basis.
The National 15/11/10
ACTING police commissioner Tony Wagambie has assured the PNG LNG project developer ExxonMobil that there is no threat to the security of the operations at the project sites.
Wagambie gave the assurance yesterday after ExxonMobil expressed concerns that recent changes made by the government to the police hierarchy would see the withdrawal of the current police officers deployed at the project sites in the Gulf and Southern Highlands areas.
He reiterated an assurance to the government and investors that the police force was intact and that they were loyal to the government.
He also brushed aside talks of dissatisfaction within the police force, adding that any reports of officer revolt would be dealt with accordingly.
Wagambie was speaking during a media briefing at the Airlines PNG airport terminal building after returning from the LNG project site in the Southern Highlands yesterday.
He and senior executives from ExxonMobil, including the developer’s regional director for security operations, flew into the province on Saturday and visited Moro, Gobe, Kopi, Mendi and Nogoli.
Wagambie told reporters that the executives from ExxonMobil were happy with the current security arrangement up there.
Upon his arrival in the province, he was welcomed to a reception by his men and women on the ground.
He reminded them of their constitutional duties of being in the police force and told them that if anyone of them had differences and wanted to leave, they were free to go.
“There are 150 police officers currently deployed there and I told them if anybody wants to go, they can go. I can replace them.”
He also appealed to the media to be more accurate in their reporting.
Wagambie said recent reports of police officers threatening to leave the site was all propaganda and asked journalists to get information from official sources.
Friday, 12 November 2010
How Multinationals Divide and Conquer Civil Society
LNG Watch: This article is a must read for Papua New Guinea's activist community. Using leaked documents, Lubbers and Rowell (The Guardian, 9/11/2010) examine the tactics used by Shell to cover up its role in human rights abuses in Nigeria. Some of this material will come as no surprise to more experienced activists, companies operating in PNG use Shell’s approach regularly.
The documents – which were part of this legal case but were never made public – describe the company's "crisis management strategy and plan". This was finalised by Shell's senior executives at a secret meeting in Ascot in January 1996, two months after Saro-Wiwa's death. The strategy was described as "most confidential".
In a similar move to Tony Blair's re-branding of the Labour party, the executives considered renaming the oil company "New Shell" in an effort to shake off some of the recent bad publicity.
Saro-Wiwa had been a vocal critic of Shell's activities in the Niger Delta and of the Nigerian military government. His hanging 15 years ago on 10 November 1995 prompted international outrage and a public backlash against Shell. The executions led to Nigeria's suspension from the Commonwealth for three years.
The company's "crisis plan" focused on what the documents refer to as "the message" and getting the "style, tone, content and timing right, reflecting greater humanity". Philip Watts, who would later become Shell chairman, emphasised that everyone must "sing to the same 'hymn sheet'."
The documents outline a tactic of divide and rule, where Shell planned to work with some of its critics but isolate others. Under the "occupying new ground" scenario, the document detail how Shell would "create coalitions, isolate the opposition and shift the debate."
Dividing NGOs into friends and foes, Shell emphasised the need to "work with [and] sway 'middle of the road' activists". The Body Shop, Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth were seen as unlikely to change their position. One suggested tactic to counter these organisations was to "challenge [the] basis on which they continue their campaign against Shell in order to make it more difficult for them to sustain it". Human rights organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch were seen as more easily persuaded. The document suggests building relationships with the organisations and encouraging "buy-in to the complexity of the issue".
Another key group Shell was interested in winning over was the press. The documents complain that the media was too willing to report the views of pressure groups. It wanted to generate media coverage showing " 'the other version' of events/issues". Other company documents identified which media outlets would be targeted. It said that "stable relationships" had already been established with the Financial Times, Daily Telegraph, Times, and the Independent.
The BBC was one of the organisations singled out by Shell's PR department. One of the documents reveal that "relationships are underdeveloped" with the BBC World Service. It continues: "We will identify and cultivate important editorial and senior management staff through a contact programme." In particular they wanted to "build a relationship" with journalist Hilary Andersson, who had recently become the BBC's Lagos correspondent, as well as "any of her known contacts in the divisions".
The documents also noted that "showing progress with the 'greening of Shell Nigeria'" was "strategically critical" after Saro-Wiwa's death. Although elsewhere, the documents acknowledge that the strategy may not be seen as genuine. "Our present communications strategy could be construed as green imagery" the authors wrote.
To improve its green image, the company had to counter accusations of "environmental devastation", so Shell planned to produce a video "to publicise successes" and "to turn the negative tide". The most important topic to be included in the film was "oil spills generally, focusing on sabotage." This would have had the effect of playing up the impact of illegal activity in causing oil spill pollution in the delta, but in another document, the head of Shell Nigeria, N A Achebe, had acknowledged internally that "the majority of incidents arise from operational failures".
The documents even reveal that Shell discussed whether it should stay in the country in the wake of Saro-Wiwa's death. One scenario was called "milking the cow", whereas the "pull-out" scenario was seen as "giving in" or "caving in" which would set a "very negative precedent for the group". Another reason for not leaving was that "issues of liability will not disappear even with a total withdrawal."
A spokesperson said that the company's environmental record had improved greatly in recent years. "The total number of spills in 2009 was 132, against the average between 2005 and 2009 of 175 per year. Thieves or saboteurs spilled about 103,000 barrels from [Shell Petroleum Development Company] facilities in 95 incidents – an average of one spill every four days. This accounted for almost 98% of the volume of oil spilled during the year." The company declined to comment on its PR strategy in 1995.
The spokesperson continued: "Whatever the cause, SPDC is committed to stopping and containing all spills, recovering and cleaning up as much oil as it can and restoring sites in compliance with regulations."
But Nnimmo Bassey, Executive Director of Environmental Rights Action and chair of Friends of the Earth International said the company had not changed and were still not doing enough to help local people in the Niger Delta. "Internationally they polish their image. The claims they make in the international areas, do not stand scrutiny on the ground."
Secret internal company documents from the oil giant Shell show that in the immediate aftermath of the execution of the Nigerian activist and writer Ken Saro-Wiwa it adopted a PR strategy of cosying up to key BBC editors and singling out NGOs that it hoped to "sway".
The documents offer a previously hidden insight into efforts by the company to deflect the PR storm that engulfed it after the Nigerian activist was hanged by the country's military government. Shell faced accusations that it had colluded with the government over the activists' deaths.In June last year, the company paid $15.5m to settle a legal action over the deaths in a federal court in New York without admitting liability. It was one of the largest payouts agreed by a multinational corporation charged with human rights violations.
The documents – which were part of this legal case but were never made public – describe the company's "crisis management strategy and plan". This was finalised by Shell's senior executives at a secret meeting in Ascot in January 1996, two months after Saro-Wiwa's death. The strategy was described as "most confidential".
In a similar move to Tony Blair's re-branding of the Labour party, the executives considered renaming the oil company "New Shell" in an effort to shake off some of the recent bad publicity.
The company's "crisis plan" focused on what the documents refer to as "the message" and getting the "style, tone, content and timing right, reflecting greater humanity". Philip Watts, who would later become Shell chairman, emphasised that everyone must "sing to the same 'hymn sheet'."
The documents outline a tactic of divide and rule, where Shell planned to work with some of its critics but isolate others. Under the "occupying new ground" scenario, the document detail how Shell would "create coalitions, isolate the opposition and shift the debate."
Dividing NGOs into friends and foes, Shell emphasised the need to "work with [and] sway 'middle of the road' activists". The Body Shop, Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth were seen as unlikely to change their position. One suggested tactic to counter these organisations was to "challenge [the] basis on which they continue their campaign against Shell in order to make it more difficult for them to sustain it". Human rights organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch were seen as more easily persuaded. The document suggests building relationships with the organisations and encouraging "buy-in to the complexity of the issue".
Another key group Shell was interested in winning over was the press. The documents complain that the media was too willing to report the views of pressure groups. It wanted to generate media coverage showing " 'the other version' of events/issues". Other company documents identified which media outlets would be targeted. It said that "stable relationships" had already been established with the Financial Times, Daily Telegraph, Times, and the Independent.
The documents also noted that "showing progress with the 'greening of Shell Nigeria'" was "strategically critical" after Saro-Wiwa's death. Although elsewhere, the documents acknowledge that the strategy may not be seen as genuine. "Our present communications strategy could be construed as green imagery" the authors wrote.
To improve its green image, the company had to counter accusations of "environmental devastation", so Shell planned to produce a video "to publicise successes" and "to turn the negative tide". The most important topic to be included in the film was "oil spills generally, focusing on sabotage." This would have had the effect of playing up the impact of illegal activity in causing oil spill pollution in the delta, but in another document, the head of Shell Nigeria, N A Achebe, had acknowledged internally that "the majority of incidents arise from operational failures".
The documents even reveal that Shell discussed whether it should stay in the country in the wake of Saro-Wiwa's death. One scenario was called "milking the cow", whereas the "pull-out" scenario was seen as "giving in" or "caving in" which would set a "very negative precedent for the group". Another reason for not leaving was that "issues of liability will not disappear even with a total withdrawal."
A spokesperson said that the company's environmental record had improved greatly in recent years. "The total number of spills in 2009 was 132, against the average between 2005 and 2009 of 175 per year. Thieves or saboteurs spilled about 103,000 barrels from [Shell Petroleum Development Company] facilities in 95 incidents – an average of one spill every four days. This accounted for almost 98% of the volume of oil spilled during the year." The company declined to comment on its PR strategy in 1995.
The spokesperson continued: "Whatever the cause, SPDC is committed to stopping and containing all spills, recovering and cleaning up as much oil as it can and restoring sites in compliance with regulations."
But Nnimmo Bassey, Executive Director of Environmental Rights Action and chair of Friends of the Earth International said the company had not changed and were still not doing enough to help local people in the Niger Delta. "Internationally they polish their image. The claims they make in the international areas, do not stand scrutiny on the ground."
Exxon Mobil Exposed - A Report on Exxon Mobil in the United States
Written by Alison Cassady, Exxonmobil Exxposed examines the woeful record of Exxonmobil in the United States.
Cassady observes: "On March 24, 1989, the oil tanker Exxon Valdez, carrying more than 50 million gallons of North Slope crude oil, ran aground and ruptured in Alaska’s Prince William Sound. Approximately 11 million gallons of crude oil poured into the Prince William Sound in less than five hours. By August 1989, the oil had moved across nearly 10,000 square miles of water in Prince William Sound and the Gulf of Alaska. The amount of spilled oil is roughly equivalent to 125 Olympic sized swimming pools".
She continues: "In the 16 years since this infamous oil spill, ExxonMobil has done little to improve its reputation. As detailed in the pages that follow, ExxonMobil has hindered action to fight global warming, continues to lobby to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil and gas drilling, and is reaping the financial benefits of America’s dependence on oil at the expense of working families and small businesses—but refuses to invest in renewable energy or support stronger fuel economy standards to make cars go farther on a gallon of gasoline".
To read this report in full follow this link.
Cassady observes: "On March 24, 1989, the oil tanker Exxon Valdez, carrying more than 50 million gallons of North Slope crude oil, ran aground and ruptured in Alaska’s Prince William Sound. Approximately 11 million gallons of crude oil poured into the Prince William Sound in less than five hours. By August 1989, the oil had moved across nearly 10,000 square miles of water in Prince William Sound and the Gulf of Alaska. The amount of spilled oil is roughly equivalent to 125 Olympic sized swimming pools".
She continues: "In the 16 years since this infamous oil spill, ExxonMobil has done little to improve its reputation. As detailed in the pages that follow, ExxonMobil has hindered action to fight global warming, continues to lobby to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil and gas drilling, and is reaping the financial benefits of America’s dependence on oil at the expense of working families and small businesses—but refuses to invest in renewable energy or support stronger fuel economy standards to make cars go farther on a gallon of gasoline".
To read this report in full follow this link.
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